David Horowitz

"David Horowitz has single-handedly exposed the intellectual corruption that exists within the classrooms of American colleges. Like all forms of corruption, indoctrination flourishes when kept in the dark. Here, Horowitz turns on the bright lights to expose what has become profoundly wrong with our colleges and universities. We are all in his debt."--Ward Connerly, former regent, University of CaliforniaDavid Horowitz and coauthor Jacob Laksin take us inside twelve major universities where radical agendas have been institutionalized and scholarly standards abandoned. The schools they examine are not the easily avoided bottom of the barrel. Rather, they are an all-too-representative sampling of American higher education today.Horowitz and Laksin have conducted the first comprehensive, in-depth, multiyear investigation of what is being taught in colleges and universities across the country--public to private, from large state schools to elite Ivy League institutions. They have systematically scrutinized course catalogs, reading lists, professors' biographies, scholarly records, and the first-person testimonies of students, administrators, and faculty. Citing more than 150 specific courses, they reveal how academic standards have been violated and demonstrate beyond dispute that systematic indoctrination in radical politics is now an integral part of the liberal arts curriculum of America's colleges. The extreme ideological cant that today's students are being fed includes:- Promoting Marxist approaches as keys to understanding human societies--with no mention of the bloody legacy of these doctrines and total collapse in the real world of the societies they created - Instilling the idea that racism, brutally enforced by a "white male patriarchy" to oppress people of color and other marginalized groups, has been the organizing principle of American society throughout its history and into the present - Requiring students to believe that gender is not a biological characteristic but a socially created aspect of human behavior designed by men to oppress women - Persuading students that America and Israel are "imperialistic" and "racist" states and that the latter has no more right to exist than the South African regime in the days of apartheidIn page after shocking page, Horowitz and Laksin demonstrate that America's colleges and universities are platforms for a virulent orthodoxy that threatens academic ideals and academic freedom. In place of scholarship and the dispassionate pursuit of truth that have long been the hallmarks of higher learning, the new militancy embraces activist zealotry and ideological fervor. In disturbingly large segments of today's universities, students are no longer taught how to think but are told what to think.From the Hardcover edition.

Horowitz maintains that anti-American perspectives exist in today's colleges, citing one hundred academics from top schools who the author believes to be sympathetic to terrorists and non-democratic governments.

"A nation divided in wartime invites its own defeat. Yet that is precisely how America is facing the global war on tenor. In a brutally honest assessment, David Horowitz and Ben Johnson show that the American left, led by the Democratic Party, is waging a ferocious political war against its own government that has left our country more seriously divided than at any time since the Civil War. And the consequences could he disastrous." "Examining the anti-war arguments of Democratic leaders like Al Gore and Nancy Pelosi, Party of Defeat reveals their fundamental misunderstanding of the nature of our enemy and the war itself. Horowitz and Johnson trace this antipathy to the American cause back to Vietnam. As radical Islam emerged in the 1970s, it found an ally in a left-wing establishment now thoroughly conditioned to blame America first. Our failure to confront the religious thugs who humiliated us in Iran encouraged the increasingly aggressive - and deadly - Islamist movement that eventually drew us into full-scale war."--Jacket.

"David Horowitz spent the first part of his life in the world of the Communist-progressive left, a politics he inherited from his mother and father, and later in the New Left as one of its founders. When the wreckage he and his comrades had created became clear to him in the mid-1970s, he left. Three decades of second thoughts then made him this movement's principal intellectual antagonist. "For better or worse," as Horowitz writes in the preface to this, the first volume of his collected conservative writings, "I have been condemned to spend the rest of my days attempting to understand how the left pursues the agendas from which I have separated myself, and why." When Horowitz began his odyssey, the left had already escaped the political ghetto to which his parents' generation and his own had been confined. Today, it has become the dominant force in America's academic and media cultures, electing a president and achieving a position from which it can shape America's future. How it achieved its present success and what that success portends are the overarching subjects of Horowitz's conservative writings. Through the unflinching focus of one singularly engaged witness, the identity of a destructive movement that constantly morphs itself in order to conceal its identity and mission becomes disturbingly clear. In Volume I of these writings, "My Life and Times," Horowitz reflects on the years he spent at war with his own country, collaborating with and confronting radical figures like Huey Newton, Tom Hayden and Billy Ayers, as he made his transition from what the writer Paul Berman described as the American left's "most important theorist" to its most determined enemy"--

Reflects upon life and mankind's inevitable search for meaning, arguing that those without religious belief find disappointment in placing their faith in historical progress.

"Ideological hatred of whites has become a growth industry, boosted by "civil rights" activists and liberal academics. These once-youthful radicals, now entrenched in positions of power and influence, peddle a warmed-over version of the Marxist creed that supported the communist empire and excuses intolerance to the point of murder. Betraying the legacy of Martin Luther King, this unholy alliance of black civil rights leaders and white radicals threatens to undermine America's moral, political, and economic institutions. ... Undeterred, so it seems, by America's Anglo-Saxon roots, people of every race and creed still flock by the millions to these shores, claiming a share of our unparalleled rights and opportunities. Yet, with staggering hypocrisy, a clique of racial warlords and academic malcontents indict our every institution for racial oppression."--Publisher description.

Three days after terrorists flew planes into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, David Horowitz discovered that he had prostate cancer. As America was rebuilding, he emerged from months of treatment with a “reprieve” from his disease. He emerged as well with this remarkable book of hard-won insights about how we get to our end and what we learn along the way. A stunning departure from the polemics and social criticism that have made Horowitz one of our most controversial public intellectuals, The End of Time is an unflinching and lyrical meditation on subjects ranging from what parents inadvertently teach us in their deaths, to the forbidding reality of the cancer ward and the way in which figures like Mohammed Atta use death to become gods of their own mad creation.

The Politics of Bad Faith brings into the open the refusal of the political Left - including those who describe themselves as liberals - to learn from the past, specifically from the checkered history of progressive movements for social justice and equal outcomes. This refusal shapes agendas that Horowitz describes as part of a new "cold war" against America - a culture war that pits "progressives" and "multi-culturalists" against America's founding principles and ideas. Horowitz traces the radical project from its origins in nineteenth-century socialism to the disastrous excesses of such current "progressive" causes as political correctness, radical feminism, racial preferences, and what he describes as the nihilistic campaign to "deconstruct" the American idea itself.